The Long Reckoning: A Story of War, Peace, and Redemption in Vietnam

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The moving story of how a small group of people—including two Vietnam veterans—forced the U.S. government to take responsibility for the ongoing horrors—agent orange and unexploded munitions—inflicted on the Vietnamese.

"Fifty years after the last U.S. service member left Vietnam, the scars of that war remain...This [is the] remarkable story of a group of individuals determined to heal those enduring wounds.”—Elliot Ackerman, author of The Fifth Act and 2034

The American war in Vietnam has left many long-lasting scars that have not yet been sufficiently examined. The worst of them were inflicted in a tiny area bounded by the demilitarized zone between North and South Vietnam and the Ho Chi Minh Trail in neighboring Laos. That small region saw the most intense aerial bombing campaign in history, the massive use of toxic chemicals, and the heaviest casualties on both sides.

In The Long Reckoning, George Black recounts the inspirational story of the small cast of characters—veterans, scientists, and Quaker-inspired pacifists, and their Vietnamese partners—who used their moral authority, scientific and political ingenuity, and sheer persistence to attempt to heal the horrors that were left in the wake of the military engagement in Southeast Asia. Their intersecting story is one of reconciliation and personal redemption, embedded in a vivid portrait of Vietnam today, with all its startling collisions between past and present, in which one-time mortal enemies, in the endless shape-shifting of geopolitics, have been transformed into close allies and partners.

The Long Reckoning is being published on the fiftieth anniversary of the day the last American combat soldier left Vietnam.

Review

“Black’s immersion in a particular human geography — his attunement to aspects of terrain, climate, flora and fauna, as well as to the people’s intimate relationship to the land — brings home the enormity of the destruction anew. . . . [With] fascinating description of life on the perilous Ho Chi Minh Trail . . . Black resists neat endings. Even as he chronicles the meaningful, if unfinished, progress made over the last half-century, he never palliates the horrors of the war.”—Elizabeth D. Samet, The New York Times

“Well-researched . . . Black cites one estimate that 30,000 books have been written about Vietnam, so the bar is high. But this volume proves a useful addition to the canon by documenting how that conflict continues to cloud our national consciousness.”—Steven V. Roberts, The Washington Post

“George Black’s reporting for The Long Reckoning is deep and wide — he made nine trips to Vietnam and the result is a meticulously reported, extraordinary account. . . . Goodreads counts 323 books written on the Vietnam War. In these books, the stages and characters are different, but the end remains mostly the same. . . . This book, however, offers an inspiring epilog to the Vietnam tragedy.”—Jeff Rowe, Associated Press

“Brilliant, illuminating . . . An extraordinary, revealing look at the legacy of the Vietnam War . . . Black proves to be an accomplished historian.”—Marc Leepson, The VVA Veteran

“There’s a world of books about the American war in South Asia, about what we did to its people and to ourselves. The Long Reckoning is different, a vivid, deeply researched account of some extraordinary Americans who have devoted themselves to undoing what they can of all that appalling damage.”—Geoffrey C. Ward, co-author of The Vietnam War: An Intimate History

“Fifty years after the last U.S. service member left Vietnam, the scars of that war remain. George Black traces the topography of those scars in this remarkable story of a group of individuals determined to heal those enduring wounds. He also proves that some of the finest literature of the Vietnam War is still being written.”—Elliot Ackerman, author of The Fifth Act

“George Black has given us a deeply moving book that embeds the story of his characters both in a new analysis of why the American War was so destructive and in an evocative portrait of modern Vietnam. The Long Reckoning is a must read to better understand the tragedy of this flawed war.”—Craig McNamara, author of Because Our Fathers Lied

“George Black’s masterpiece, The Long Reckoning, illuminates the Vietnam War’s twin legacies — Agent Orange and leftover bombs — that even now continue destroying the lives of Vietnamese citizens and U.S. veterans. With color and empathy, Black weaves a vivid story of real people, providing a fresh, thoughtful look at a painful war’s long aftermath. It’s a spell-binding read, full of insight, horror, goodness and bravery.”—Ted Osius, former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam and the author of Nothing Is Impossible: America’s Reconciliation with Vietnam

“The Vietnam war never really goes away. It hides, and then the scab gets torn off again. The Long Reckoning is about many things, but at its heart it's about Agent Orange, and the damage that chemical did, and continues to do, to the bodies and souls of two nations. Movingly, morally, George Black tamps down his story to a handful of people, though principally two American vets. One is a wounded warrior, the other served in military intelligence. They meet now at the bridge of wanting to help make right that which was so wrong.”—Paul Hendrickson, author of The Living and the Dead: Robert McNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War

“The Long Reckoning is the crucial and necessary history of the lethal legacy of the American war in Vietnam. George Black reveals how and why the U.S. sprayed millions of gallons of toxic chemicals across Vietnam, seeded the soil with mines, dropped millions of tons of bombs and then refused to help clean up the vast wasteland. The heart of the book is the countless Vietnamese whose lives have been upended by this nightmare. The unlikely heroes include American veterans of the Vietnam War who spent decades charting a path to the book’s reckoning, eventually nudging a reluctant American government to begin cleansing Vietnam’s poisoned land and healing those who carry the wounds.”—Elizabeth Becker, author of You Don’t Belong Here: How Three Women Rewrote the Story of War

“The Long Reckoning is the brilliant book you need to read to know all you ever need to know, feel all you ever need to feel, about America’s blood-soaked imperial errand to Vietnam and its disastrous consequences. Beg, borrow, buy or steal this book.”—Peter Davis, Academy Award-winning filmmaker of Hearts and Minds

“Out of a tragic past war that sees no discharge for its survivors and their descendants, George Black gives us a moving tale of unknown heroes who provide hope and redemption out of the abyss. For all of those who suffered and continue to suffer as a result of America’s Vietnam War, this is the book we've been waiting for.”—Lien-Hang T. Nguyen, Director of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute at Columbia University

“The Long Reckoning is woven around the lives of two remarkable veterans, Chuck Searcy and Manus Campbell, who returned to Vietnam in search of reconciliation and redemption. George Black’s account of their unflinching efforts to confront and lessen the ongoing devastation caused by the U.S. war in Indochina awakens us to a vast history and a stunning cast of characters--Vietnamese and American, women and men, old and young. Captivating, revelatory, and inspiring, there is nothing like it in the vast literature of the war.”—Christian G. Appy, author of Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered from All Sides

“A fascinating study . . . Insightful recaps of diplomatic negotiations are interwoven with evocative descriptions of the Vietnamese landscape and brisk summaries of the long campaign for accountability from the American government. The result is a brilliant look at ‘the long, slow process of healing.’”—Publishers Weekly

“One of the best recent books on a war that ended half a century ago but that still reverberates . . . Black sets much of this vivid narrative on the ground, painstakingly documenting the death-dealing technology America deployed against an enemy—and a civilian populace—that was vastly outgunned but bent on victory. . . . Just as effective is the author’s account of the politics of international aid and the people who joined, with the two veterans, in their expiatory efforts.”—Kirkus Reviews (starred review)

About the Author

GEORGE BLACK is the author of seven previous books on subjects including India, China, and foreign policy. His writing has appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times Magazine, and many other publications. He lives in New York City.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Chapter 1

Going to B

Hanoi remembers the war, but mainly Hanoi forgets. There seems to be no end to the construction boom. In the city’s upscale neighborhoods, Vietnam’s nouveaux riches build themselves gaudy mansions with Roman balconies, Doric and Corinthian pillars, and classical fountains and statuary. Luxury high-rise apartment buildings spring up overnight. Many of these monuments to the new prosperity have English names—the Lancaster, the Gardenia, Goldmark City, the Skylake. Towering over a cloverleaf intersection by the rust-brown crawl of the Red River is the Sunshine Riverside, the name revolving in rainbow colors on a giant LED display at penthouse level. Other complexes, like the D’Le Roi Soleil, pay oblique homage to Vietnam’s French colonial heritage.

By the end of the second decade of the twenty-first century, the politburo of the Vietnamese Communist Party had designated tourism a “spearhead industry,” and Vietnam was welcoming close to 18 million foreign visitors a year. About half come from East Asia. Among the Westerners, two groups predominate: twentysomething backpackers and retirees, most of them old enough to remember the war. They come to see Vietnam, the country, and to look for echoes of Vietnam, the war.

Sometimes it can seem that on any given day most of them are strolling around Hanoi’s Hoan Kiem Lake, the Lake of the Restored Sword, the beautiful though polluted heart of the city’s tourist district, stopping in at the Temple of the Jade Mountain and taking photos of the elderly ladies doing their morning tai chi exercises. Dodging the motorbikes in the labyrinthine “36 Streets” of the Old Quarter, they book package tours to the beautiful karst archipelago of Ha Long Bay and homestays in the stilt-house villages of the ethnic minorities whom the French and the Americans called the Montagnards, the mountain people. They squat on blue plastic stools beneath the caged songbirds to slurp up pho, Vietnam’s classic noodle soup, and shop for silks and silver and revolutionary kitsch—Ho Chi Minh T-shirts and refrigerator magnets, faux Zippo lighters and dog tags, reproductions of wartime propaganda posters.

Some of the tourists take a cyclo ride for a couple of miles to join the early morning throngs of uniformed soldiers and schoolchildren and young pioneers in red neckerchiefs lined up to visit the monolithic granite mausoleum of Ho Chi Minh on Ba Dinh Square, which is ringed by the elegant colonial-era buildings, painted mustard yellow and salmon pink, that house the offices of party and government. Inside, they shuffle around the icy crypt for a brief glimpse of the waxy corpse of the iconic leader of the Vietnamese revolution, preserved thanks to the skills of Russian embalmers, who had perfected their art on Lenin. The spectacle would have appalled Uncle Ho, a frugal man who left written instructions that his body should be cremated, his ashes divided into three parts and scattered in the north, south, and center of the country, but with neither monument nor grave marker.

Some visitors take a short walk to the Museum of Military History, with its totemic display of crashed American airplanes and the antiaircraft guns that brought them down. Nearby, running parallel to a stretch of the main north-south railroad where the modest houses and shops crowd in close enough to the tracks for residents to reach out and shake hands with the passengers, is a long street called Ly Nam De, named for a sixth-century emperor who is regarded as one of the earliest champions of Vietnam’s independence.

For the most part, Ly Nam De looks much like countless other streets in modern Hanoi. The tree-shaded sidewalks are an obstacle course of parked motorbikes. The Ficus Suites offer luxury rental apartments for expats. Farther down the block are Annie’s Lingerie and the Laura Beauty Spa. But Ly Nam De is also a military enclave, resonant with history. There are two barracks of the People’s Army of Viet Nam, the PAVN, and the offices of the Army Publishing House. Gen. Nguyen Chi Thanh, who commanded military operations in the South from September 1964 until his death in July 1967, lived at number 34, which is now home to the Viet Nam War Veterans Association. Number 83 houses the Military Library, and while there is no public monument or memorial plaque, the building was the setting for one of the most consequential events in Vietnam’s history, a secretive meeting in May 1959, convened on orders from the politburo, that prefigured the entire logic of what Vietnamese call the American War.

For many years after the fall of Saigon, the conventional wisdom was that the success of the Vietnamese revolution could be attributed primarily to two men, each with his own distinctive charisma and legend. Ho Chi Minh, “He Who Enlightens,” founder of the Indochinese Communist Party, with his wispy chin-beard, benign smile, and avuncular manner, was its inspiration. Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap was the military genius who had engineered the decisive victory over the French at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 and who, for decades until his death in 2013, at the age of 102, charmed foreign visitors with his urbane manners and impeccable French. But the story is more complicated and in many ways much darker. By 1959, other powerful voices had risen to prominence in the Vietnamese Workers Party—known after reunification as the Vietnamese Communist Party—contesting and eventually eclipsing the paramount authority of Ho and Giap.

Two men were central to this less visible power structure. The senior of the two was Le Duan, a member of the politburo, a gaunt and dogmatic figure distinctly lacking in charisma. On the military side, there was his close political ally and fellow politburo member Nguyen Chi Thanh, the head of the PAVN’s general political department and the only general promoted to share Giap’s five-star rank.

Following the Leninist precepts of democratic centralism, the party took great pains to present a unified public face that masked its internal debates and the often brutal silencing of dissent. American policy makers, and the first generation of postwar historians, were generally aware of two camps that could be classified, at the risk of oversimplification, as moderates and hard-liners. The faction headed by Ho and Giap favored a protracted armed struggle combined with patient diplomacy and negotiations; the other, headed by Le Duan, advocated bold acts of revolutionary violence that would trigger mass uprisings as the key to national liberation. Sometimes these factions were respectively categorized as pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese, though those allegiances shifted at different times, and in general the party as a whole succeeded in holding on to the support of both Communist powers while never allowing them to dictate Vietnam’s war strategy.

The two factions were defined by differences of temperament and ideology, each camp reading in its own way the shifting currents of global politics in the Cold War. But the clashes were also deeply rooted in geography and above all in the personal experiences and local loyalties of Le Duan and Thanh during the war against the French.

The first signs of friction had been apparent as early as 1951, and they grew bitter with the 1954 Geneva Accords, which split Vietnam in two after the collapse of French colonial rule in Indochina. There was fierce argument in Geneva about where the country should be divided. Negotiators for the North—the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam—initially demanded the thirteenth parallel, which would have given them control over two-thirds of the country. Ho Chi Minh was prepared to settle for the sixteenth. But both the Soviet Union, emerging at the time from the darkness of Stalinism, and China, still reeling from the Korean War, pressed him to make further concessions, anxious to prevent the hostilities in Vietnam from triggering a wider conflict. In the end, Ho was forced to accept the seventeenth parallel, which split the country into two more or less equal halves. The demilitarized zone between them, the DMZ, would roughly track this line of latitude, extending for five kilometers on either side of the meandering Ben Hai River at the northern edge of Quang Tri province.

The distance between two lines of latitude is only fifty-nine miles, but these particular miles had enormous significance for how the American war in Vietnam would be fought. Drawing the line at the seventeenth parallel ceded to the southern government of Ngo Dinh Diem the ancient imperial capital of Hue as well as the city of Danang, with its deepwater harbor. It also gave Diem control of the vital east-west highway, Route 9, which ran parallel to the southern edge of the DMZ. Completed by the French in 1930, it was the only direct connection between the Mekong River on the Thai-Lao border and the South China Sea, which Vietnamese call the East Sea.

Vietnam is a long, skinny S-shaped country, and Route 9 crossed it at its narrowest point and thus the easiest for the South to defend against incursions. In places, the mountainous Lao border is not much more than thirty miles from the ocean, and the coastal plain, the fertile rice-growing area that is home to most of the population, is sometimes only ten or fifteen miles wide, which made it uniquely vulnerable to attack from the western mountains of Quang Tri and its neighbor to the south, Thua Thien.

The location of the DMZ was a stinging personal affront both to Le Duan and to Nguyen Chi Thanh, because these were their home provinces, and they had commanded local revolutionary forces there during the war against the French. Both men had humble origins. Le Duan was from the outskirts of the town of Dong Ha, in Quang Tri, just below the DMZ and close to the point where Route 9 intersected with Route 1, the north-south coastal highway linking Hanoi and Saigon. A railway worker like his father, he was often disdained by other senior party officials for his rough manners; it was as if a hick from Appalachia had insinuated himself into the Ivy League circles of Washington, D.C. That only fed his grievances against the French-educated elite, leaders like Giap, who was the son of a Confucian scholar, went to law school, and played Beethoven and Mozart on the piano. Le Duan also considered imprisonment a sign of revolutionary virtue, a prime reason for ascent within the party, and he made a point of stressing that he had spent ten years in jail. (Giap had been jailed for thirteen months.)

Nguyen Chi Thanh was born in a village just outside Hue, forty-five miles south of Dong Ha in the province of Thua Thien. The stretch of Highway 1 separating the two men’s birthplaces was infamous to the French as the Rue Sans Joie—the Street Without Joy—with dozens of small villages strung out like pearls on a necklace, separated from the ocean by a bleak ribbon of salt marshes and sand dunes, and all teeming with revolutionary fighters who were indistinguishable, to both the French and the Americans, from the rest of the population.

Thanh was celebrated for his modesty and austerity, but also for his insistence on Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy and the eradication of bourgeois individualism among his troops. They called him the “General of the Peasants,” and in that respect, though he aligned ideologically with Le Duan, he had something in common with Giap, who called his soldiers Brother and Sister and was addressed by them in turn as Elder Brother.

Hardened by their years of leadership in one of the most brutal theaters of the French War, Le Duan and Thanh bitterly resented the terms of the Geneva agreement, which forced southern fighters to “regroup” to the North. Some 26,000 of these “regroupees” were from Quang Tri and Thua Thien, about a third of the total. Their forced departure from the old battlefields, coupled with Ho Chi Minh’s insistence on the primacy of building socialism in the North, Giap’s reluctance to commit his war-weary PAVN to a new round of fighting, and the demand from both the Soviet Union and China to refrain from armed aggression that might provoke American intervention, all combined to put an end to active resistance below the DMZ. This left the southern revolutionaries, in Le Duan’s view, at the mercy of Diem’s new government in Saigon.

After the Geneva Accords, the plan had been to hold nationwide elections in 1956, but Diem refused to go ahead with them, fearing with good reason that Ho Chi Minh would win a landslide victory. Instead, he set about crushing his political opponents, expanding his Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) to 150,000 men, thanks to stepped-up military aid from the Eisenhower administration. After a secret tour of inspection of the South in late 1958, Le Duan saw his worst fears materializing, and though he held his rhetorical fire, his sympathies became clear as fissures opened between the two great Communist powers, with Khrushchev preaching peaceful coexistence with the West and Mao Zedong’s China now in the throes of the radical Great Leap Forward.

If any one thing tilted the intraparty dispute in Le Duan’s favor, it may have been Fidel Castro’s triumphant entry into Havana on January 8, 1959. By coincidence, the fifteenth plenum of the party’s Central Committee was scheduled to begin just eight days later, and Le Duan’s arguments in favor of a more militant line prevailed, with a formal decision in May to prepare for war in the South. By the end of 1961, Thanh had his fifth star, and the Third Party Congress had named Le Duan general secretary—at the same time expanding the powers of the office—and head of the politburo. Hanoi created the National Liberation Front (NLF) and its armed wing, the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF), to carry forward the revolution in the South, though Diem and the Americans had little interest in these acronyms; to them, the enemy, not all of whom were Communists, were simply lumped together as the Viet Cong, the sense of which can be roughly rendered as traitorous Vietnamese Commies.

Once the political decision had been made to prepare the ground for armed revolution south of the DMZ, Hanoi had to determine how this was to be done, and that brought in a third important figure, Col. Vo Bam, who was charged with executing the politburo’s orders. Cut from the same cloth as Le Duan and Thanh, he was a native of impoverished Quang Ngai province, which, like Quang Tri and Thua Thien, was part of what the Americans called I (“Eye”) Corps, the northernmost of the four tactical military zones in South Vietnam. His village was called Son My, though Americans would later come to know it as the site of the 1968 My Lai massacre.

On May 19, 1959—with the streets of Hanoi bedecked with flags and banners to celebrate Ho Chi Minh’s sixty-ninth birthday and the anniversary of the foundation of the Viet Minh, the Communist-led independence movement that he had founded in 1941—Vo Bam was ordered to put together a trusted group of planners to work out the mechanics. He gathered eight officers together at 83 Ly Nam De, the nucleus of what would become the 559th Transportation Group of the PAVN, named for the month and year of its creation.

Review:

4.8 out of 5

95.56% of customers are satisfied

5.0 out of 5 stars Mr. Black splendidly presents the lingering effects of the long forgotten Vietnam War.

c. · June 4, 2023

George Black carefully and thoroughly researches, interviews, and explores on the ground in SE Asiathe immediate and (LONG) lingering consequences of the American military decisions to deploy explosivesfrom artillery and aircraft in horrific numbers of sorties and tonnage- which had devastating IMPACTS then-and which sowed the land with millions of unexploded menaces- for those who came in later contact withthem (accidentally, or as "scrap metal" objects to gather and sell for pennies)- if they did not maim or kill.He patiently and effectively educates the reader about the decisions to deploy- and disguise- and LIE aboutwhat was being used- and where- and against whom- and to what effects.He further describes the use of powerful ( and TOXIC) chemical defoliants to "defeat the jungle", where theNorth Vietnamese forces were hiding their troops, supplies, and the logistical triumphs of their movementsfrom acquisition to deployment. The military paid attention to efficacy- and, the defoliants turned triple canopy jungle where small trucks, beefed up bicycles, and backpacks transported weapons, ammunition, equipment and supplies with remarkable success in the mountainous terrain covered with screening plants-until they weren't. Hundreds of thousands- millions- of gallons sprayed- spilled- dumped--- onto bothpurportedly "appropriate" targets (with great- or partial- or indiscriminate inaccuracy)- all over contestedareas of the declared and undeclared fire zones.George Black educated himself- and his readers- with the consequences of these two weapon systems-then and now- and manages to make the description fascinating, essential, and, ultimately uplifting.I encourage everyone to buy, read, ponder, and discuss this book-like much of the best history, it teaches about the past to help us understand the present- and, surprisingly,to find humans who engage with intelligence, persistence, abiding optimism and creativity to confrontand ameliorate these disasters, in real time, more than fifty years later.A great and uplifting piece of writing- in the opinion of an avowed curmudgeon.

5.0 out of 5 stars Beautifully written

J. · May 16, 2023

Pulls you in right from the start. (What a lede!) I learned so much I’d never known about this devastating piece of history. A must-read for anyone who lived through this period—or who wants to take its lessons into the future.

4.0 out of 5 stars Viet Nam. Agent Orange

C. · March 30, 2024

Good information, very depressing

5.0 out of 5 stars Wow.

J.S. · May 29, 2023

Incredible book, incredible writing.

5.0 out of 5 stars Great book that fills a gap in the literature

T.H. · July 31, 2023

This is an excellent and beautifully written book. It covers a hitherto largely neglected aspect of America's reckoning with its war in Vietnam, namely the return of many veterans of the war and others to work on repairing the devastation we visited on this brave and incredibly resilient country. As a Vietnam veteran myself who returned to live and work in Vietnam after the war, I applaud George Black's indispensible addition to the literature on this sorry chapter of American history.Theodore M. Hammett

5.0 out of 5 stars George Black offers a uniqe perspective on one of the biggest conflicts of the 20th century

T. · June 6, 2023

From the opening sentence of “The Long Reckoning” I knew this book would differ from thousands of tomes that tell us little or nothing about the human consequences of America’s war in Vietnam. Finally, a book that describes what bombing sorties and spraying of Agent Orange wreaked on the people and environment of Vietnam. Black weaves together personal stories, data and statistics to explain what happened to Vietnamese civilians, and how a handful of Americans persevered to provide tangible help. Black does not shy away from realities about which many Americans are unaware, including the double standard of concern for Agent Orange applied to Vietnamese as opposed to American victims. While this book may especially speak to those who study history to pursue a more peaceful world, this book is essential reading for all Americans.Patricia Norland, author, "The Saigon Sisters; Privileged Women in the Resistance" (NIU/Cornell)

4.0 out of 5 stars Don't forget Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Atrocities

O.T.R. · July 8, 2023

Served in Vietnam and went back to visit 45 years later.This is an excellent book that documents the residual damage from USA involvement in Vietnam-- UXO and Agent Orange. Most unfortunate.Don't forget that the Republic of South Vietnam was a sovereign nation invaded by North Vietnam.The USA never attempted to take over North Vietnam.Don't come rolling down the Ho Chi Minh trail with invasion on your mind and you'll avoid a lot of problems.By the way let's remember all the US and ARVN troops killed by booby traps and ambushes as well as the South Vietnamese buried alive at Hue by their North Vietnamese ' brothers, "

5.0 out of 5 stars A Deeply Moving Book That Answers So Many Questions

A. · May 13, 2023

When I was in high school, the war in Vietnam pervaded our world. My friend Tony's father was shot down over North Vietnam and never returned. My classmates nervously compared their lottery numbers. We heard about Agent Orange, but no one understood that these chemical agents would be killing American veterans and causing birth defects in Vietnam decades after the war ended.There was so much we didn't understand. George Black has clearly spent years in search of the underlying stories, interviewing American veterans and Vietnamese scientists to untangle the truth. He writes with elegance and deep compassion for all of the victims of this war. His story centers on the experience of the noble American veterans who have gone back to Vietnam to help suffering families. He also writes masterfully of the science underlying the defoliants, and how Americans and Vietnamese have worked together for their remediation. This is a book that should speak to veterans of any conflict, and to those who love them.

Realidade

S. · June 15, 2023

Realmente um livro muito sério que elucida muitos aspectos históricos da guerra ,amei

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The Long Reckoning: A Story of War, Peace, and Redemption in Vietnam

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